By N. D. B. Connolly
A global extra Concrete argues that black and white landlords, marketers, or even liberal neighborhood leaders used tenements and repeated land dispossession to use the terrible and generate notable wealth. via a political tradition equipped on genuine property, South Florida’s landlords and householders complicated estate rights and white estate rights, particularly, on the rate of extra inclusive visions of equality. For black humans and lots of in their white allies, makes use of of eminent area helped to harden category and colour lines. but, for lots of reformers, confiscating definite sorts of actual property via eminent area additionally promised to aid enhance housing stipulations, to undermine the local impact of strong slumlords, and to open new possibilities for suburban existence for black Floridians.
involved extra with winners and losers than with heroes and villains, A international extra Concrete offers a sober evaluation of cash and tool in Jim Crow America. It exhibits how negotiations among strong genuine property pursuits on each side of the colour line gave racial segregation a notable means to conform, revealing homeowners’ strength to reshape American towns in ways in which can nonetheless be visible and felt today.
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Additional resources for A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida
And . . 42 Less than two years after the purchase, though, tax troubles, possibly orchestrated by white competitors, forced Dorsey to sell his holdings to a white entrepreneur, Carl Fisher. Fisher Island remains today one of Miami’s most exclusive seaside enclaves. 43 Florence Gaskins, a contemporary of Dorsey’s, worked as a colored washerwoman, laundering clothes and linens for laborers and guests at the Royal Palm. She was recently widowed and in her midthirties when she arrived in Miami from Jacksonville in 1896.
Called Tony Tommie to ease white discomfort with pronouncing his name, Hathwa-ha-chee was fourteen years old at the time he started first grade, and his initial difficulties in accessing “whites only” education prompted some to recommend that he attend a school for colored children. “I opposed this,” said Lucien Spencer, Florida’s federally appointed commissioner of Indian Affairs. ”12 During the 1910s, young Tony Tommie and other Seminoles remained largely relegated to being set pieces in parades and on golf courses.
90 The primary problem, as some of Miami’s black entrepreneurs understood it, was the crippling potential of “invading” white capital squeezing out black money. “In times past, we left our former places of business and located in the section marked off for colored people; since that time we have not transgressed the line. . ”91 Experience in the Magic City’s early development and in the rural South taught many black businesspeople to fear the inherent dangers of white investment capital. Many members of the Colored Board of Trade, after all, came from southern sharecropping families.
A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida by N. D. B. Connolly